Corporates are far more powerful, and in this neoliberal era, they thrive on both the expropriation of resources and the 'war on terror'. Currently, American troops are being deployed in 35 African countries.
In every case there are huge profits to be made, not only from the resources taken over, but from the sale of weapons, training and armaments of all kinds. It is ultimately on behalf of big business too, as US cables show, that teams of US and EU officials, supported by donors, have been putting pressure on the politicians of Zanzibar to provide the 'stable' infrastructures which would make the potentially lucrative oil deposits, found in the waters of the islands not long ago, accessible.
And if this requires Zanzibar to leave the Union with mainland Tanzania - so be it.
Fler böcker av Amrit Wilson
However, despite their leaders compliance, in East Africa too, people are angry that Africans are being killed fighting wars with other Africans on behalf of the west. People's resistance to imperialism is growing through anti-land grab movements and in struggles against giant mining companies. With the fiftieth anniversary of the Zanzibar revolution approaching, people's anger against the surrogates of imperialism on the islands is palpable.
Will Zanzibar prevent its oil being taken over by foreign oil companies? Will it be able to use it to transform the acute poverty which stalks the islands? These are the questions which hang in the balance. That's just the tip of the iceberg: we've got many more leads to chase down.
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Description The Threat of Liberation returns to the tumultuous years of the Cold War, when, in a striking parallel with today, imperialist powers were seeking to institute 'regime change' and install pliant governments. Add to Basket Sign in to add to wishlist.
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Among them is the question of Zanzibar — a problem rooted in the years of decolonisation in East Africa. On 12 January , the government of Zanzibar was overthrown in a violent revolution. The island archipelago, which lay a short distance off the coast of mainland Tanganyika, had become independent from Britain just a month beforehand.
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In the aftermath of the revolution, thousands of Zanzibaris were killed in a wave of violence grounded in long-standing ethnoracial tensions on the islands. This vacuum was exploited by China, the Soviet Union, and East Germany, which showered Zanzibar with aid and entrenched their influence on the islands. These events were followed closely by Julius Nyerere, the president of mainland Tanganyika, which had gained its independence three years earlier.
His confidence had been shaken by a near-simultaneous army mutiny in Dar es Salaam, which briefly forced him into hiding. Concerned about the drift of a neighbouring state into communist orbit, which posed a threat to his own strident non-aligned stance, Nyerere secretly brokered an Act of Union in April with Karume, who was himself worried by the danger posed by the Marxists within his government.
ISBN 13: 9780745334080
Zanzibar became tethered to the more moderate mainland government while maintaining much of its autonomy, to create the United Republic of Tanzania. Some acclaim it as the sole lasting success of a phosphorescent pan-Africanist moment that blazed over the continent in the early years of postcolonial government. Another theory — often invoked to bolster the previous point — is that the union was engineered by the United States and the CIA to smother the revolution before it had a chance to spread to the African continent.
The arrangement is similar to the position of Scotland or Northern Ireland in the United Kingdom: Zanzibar has its own government with independent powers, but also sends elected members to parliament in Dodoma, which legislates for both the mainland and, where it has due powers, the union as a whole. Since the return of multiparty politics to Zanzibar in , elections have been characterised by violence.